for those who want to hold onto the mythological Lincoln who stood up for the nation and opposed the enemies of mankind,
House of Representatives
Thursday, January 12, 1832.
Colonizing Free Negroes.
Mr. Jenifer moved the following resolution, viz.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire into the expediency of making an appropriation for the purpose of removing from the United States, and her territories, the free people of color, and colonizing them on the coast of Africa, or elsewhere.
In supporting the resolution, Mr. Jenifer observed that the State of Maryland was deeply interested in the subject of the resolution, inasmuch as she possessed a greater actual amount of the population referred to than any other State in the Union. Virginia, he believed, stood next, in this respect; and Delaware, in proportion to her whole population, had possibly still more than either. Maryland felt severely the evils resulting from the presence of a population of this description; and if there existed within the power of the Government a constitutional remedy, she believed it ought to be applied for her relief. If there was any subject in which that State might be said to feel a more lively interest than in almost any other, it was this. It was expedient, and very desirable, that if any legislation took place on this subject, it should be had at as early a period as possible. The Legislatures of several of the States were now in session, and some of them would be looking to the General Government for its co-operation. If, on deliberation, it should be concluded that there was no provision in the Constitution, and no means in the hands of the Government, then the States would have to look to their own resources; and they ought to know this as early as practicable. He had proposed a select committee on this subject, only because there was no standing committee to whom it seemed to belong.
Wednesday, March 28, 1832.
In the Senate of the United States
“Mr. Clay [Henry Clay of Kentucky] rose, and said he had received a memorial signed by a large number of the citizens of Kentucky, inviting the attention of Congress to the subject of the colonization of the free blacks on the coast of Africa, and requesting the aid of Congress to accomplish that object. He felt some difficulty with regard to the proper disposition of the memorial. The general subject was one, than which, perhaps, no other had more seriously engaged the attention of the people of this country. No man, he presumed, could fail to cherish the hope that at some day or other, however distant, and in some mode, the country would be rid of this the darkest spot on its mantle. How that was to be accomplished, it was, perhaps, not allowable to the present generation to foresee. All, however, must unite in the hope that, at the proper time, the proper means would be devised to arrive at this most desirable end. With respect to the constitutional question involved, he entertained not the slightest doubt that the subject of abolition of slavery could not be touched by the General Government; it belonged peculiarly and exclusively to the States where slavery existed; they, and they alone, were directly concerned; and they only had the power to entertain the question.
“With respect, however, to the great question of the final disposition of the African race among us, he would take the liberty to remark that, in his opinion, the first great effort should be to rid our country of the free blacks as a preliminary measure. In that object, all the States had a common interest — none were exclusively interested. Whether the General Government possessed powers to accomplish that object, was a question of great and serious import, and deserved a more careful and thorough investigation than in the present state of the country could be probably made. The idea had been entertained by some, whose opinions were entitled to much respect, that, in reference to the public lands, Congress possessed more extensive powers than it does in respect to appropriations of the ordinary revenue of the country. This was a question of great importance, and required the most serious consideration. It was not Mr. Clay’s intention to press at this time any decision on the question he had suggested. When questions of such deep and exciting interest agitated the country from Maine to Georgia, literally; when Congress was already engaged with a subject, the settlement of which was so important to the present and future welfare of the Union, he did not think it expedient to introduce any new topic likely to produce fresh causes of excitement. He did, however, sincerely entertain the hope that the day was not far distant when, forgetting all that now tended to distract and excite us, and recollecting that we were a common people, alike interested in the common prosperity, we could, without any of those objections, take this great question into full consideration, and dispose of it in a manner congenial with the feelings, as well as the interests of all. He would now content himself with the simple discharge of his duty in presenting the memorial, in asking for its reading, and in moving to lay it on the table.”
Lincoln hated the southern aristocrats (they stood in the way of his much-desired centralized government, central bank and national bank currency), so he was perfectly willing to launch and carry a war of extermination against them, but he was not willing to sell out the white race, and unleash upon the country he just preserved negro slaves as instruments in the hand of the money power, to lord over white people in the land that whites claimed from the wilderness.
Just as the drunkard Churchill was only too happy to wage a war of extermination against Germany –especially german women and children in large cities, in true english fashion– because he hated germans, and, therefore, he was a very willing tool in the hand of the money power; but he was not willing to hand central Europe over to the stalinists, so, after the war, the money power unceremoniously put him out to pasture.
Lincoln could not be voted out of office, in fact, he was just inaugurated for four more years at the conclusion of the war. In 1865, 1866, 1867, 1868 was to be decided what sort of United States was preserved, and what direction this United States will take. According to the representatives of the white cause, Lincoln in his second term would have opposed the radical reconstruction of the country –so forcefully advocated by Representative Thaddeus Stevens in the House, and Senator Charles Sumner in the Senate– and now, in the new Congress, he had the majority to oppose the agents of the money power, and to carry out the restoration of the Union, as proclaimed during the war and as promised at the surrender of Southern Armies, and maintain white citizenship of the United States. Beside Congressional support, Lincoln, as winner in war, now commanded the support and respect of the public; even the New York Times was on the side of the restoration of the Union according to the proposal of Lincoln:
“The re-elections of Mr. Lincoln placed beyond cavil the acceptability of his policy to the great Union party of the North. Of the nature of that policy there was no doubt. Of the fact that it invariably assumed the continued existence, as States of the Union, of States then in rebellion, there could be no misinterpretation. It was felt that this feature of his policy was a source of strength to him everywhere. Old-line Democrats like John A. Dix and Daniel S. Dickinson took their stand in the Republican ranks and helped to convert the Republican into the National party. The feeling was universal, that howsoever fitted for his position during the continuance of the war, Mr. Lincoln was yet more adapted to the peace that would come after it. As Mr. Doolittle points out, the selection of Mr. Johnson for the second place on the ticket was not merely a merited tribute to one who had pursued an arduous course with rare courage and fidelity, but was emphatically a recognition of the loyal citizens of Tennessee, as a State within the Union, and a repudiation of the extreme views urged in the convention by Mr. Stevens. The Lincoln-Johnson ticket was a triumph of conservatism over radicalism — of national unity as against sectional exclusiveness; and in this sense it was sustained at the polls. The leaders of the Union party, as represented in Mr. Lincoln’s Cabinet, had previously committed themselves to the policy of reconstruction based upon reconciliation; and the American people, in their turn, ratified the policy, and gave it form and force.
“Opposition to President Johnson’s plans by the Union party would therefore be justifiable only on the supposition that they are not in harmony with the plans originated by his lamented predecessor. Is this pretended ? Is it alleged that Mr. Johnson’s views essentially differ from Mr. Lincoln’s on any point ? — that there has been any deviation from the course foreshadowed by Mr. Lincoln at various stages of the war ? — that there has been any concession to individuals or States which the late President was not prepared to make ? If not, with what propriety do Senators or Representatives now seek to obstruct or defeat a line of action upon which a vast majority of the people have set the seal of their approval ? Surely the Union party in the county are entitled to ask some attention to their verdict and their views on the part of those who speak in their name in Congress.”
–The New York Times, January 17th 1866, commenting on Senator Doolittle’s speech in the Senate.
Now, just imagine, if Lincoln, as President of the United States, stood as the leader of white America, in opposition of those who intended to build Empire USA, the enforcement arm of the International Money Power. Could Thaddeus and Sumner lead a congressional revolt and impeachment against Lincoln, as they led a revolt against President Andrew Johnson when he wanted to remove arch conspirator Stanton, and wanted to stand in the way of indenturing the nation to bond-holders ?……
Lincoln had to die, and die soon, before he could cause any disturbance, and place obstacles in the way of progress.
Democratic party platform of 1868:
“Sixth. Economy in the administration of the government, the reduction of the standing army and navy; the abolition of the Freedmen’s Bureau; and all political instrumentalities designed to secure negro supremacy; simplification of the system and discontinuance of inquisitorial modes of assessing and collecting internal revenue, so that the burden of taxation may be equalized and lessened, the credit of the government and the currency made good; the repeal of all enactments for enrolling the State militia into national forces in time of peace; and a tariff for revenue upon foreign imports, such as will afford incidental protection to domestic manufactures, and as will, without impairing the revenue, impose the least burden upon, and best promote and encourage the great industrial interests of the country.”
“we arraign the Radical party for its disregard of right, and the unparalleled oppression and tyranny which have marked its career.
“After the most solemn and unanimous pledge of both Houses of Congress to prosecute the war exclusively for the maintenance of the government and the preservation of the Union under the Constitution, it has repeatedly violated that most sacred pledge, under which alone was rallied that noble volunteer army which carried our flag to victory.
“Instead of restoring the Union, it has, so far as in its power, dissolved it, and subjected ten States, in time of profound peace, to military despotism and negro supremacy.”
“the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson, in exercising the power of his high office in resisting the aggressions of Congress upon the Constitutional rights of the States and the people, is entitled to the gratitude of the whole American people; and in behalf of the Democratic party, we tender him our thanks for his patriotic efforts in that regard.”
“Lincoln’s white dream” by Lerone Bennett
more than a hundred years later, a negro had to write this book for white racists and supremacists, about Lincoln, the last best hope of white people
Speeches of Senator Doolittle, in the Senate, in opposition to radical reconstruction:
also, a short history of how Senator Sumner whipped Senators into shape
Second Annual Message of the President of the United States,
December 1, 1862:
“Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of African descent to favor their emigration, with a view to such colonization as was contemplated in recent acts of Congress. Other parties, at home and abroad –some from interested motives, others upon patriotic considerations, and still others influenced by philanthropic sentiments– have suggested similar measures, while, on the other hand, several of the Spanish American Republics have protested against the sending of such colonies to their respective territories. Under these circumstances I have declined to move any such colony to any state without first obtaining the consent of its government, with an agreement on its part to receive and protect such emigrants in all the rights of freemen; and I have at the same time offered to the several States situated within the Tropics, or having colonies there, to negotiate with them, subject to the advice and consent of the Senate, to favor the voluntary emigration of persons of that class to their respective territories, upon conditions which shall be equal, just, and humane. Liberia and Hayti are as yet the only countries to which colonists of African descent from here could go with certainty of being received and adopted as citizens; and I regret to say such persons contemplating colonization do not seem so willing to migrate to those countries as to some others, nor so willing as I think their interest demands. I believe, however, opinion among them in this respect is improving, and that ere long there will be an augmented and considerable migration to both these countries from the United States.”
“I can not make it better known than it already is that I strongly favor colonization”
“if gradual emancipation and deportation be adopted, their old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can be procured, and the freedmen in turn will gladly give their labor for the wages till new homes can be found for them in congenial climes and with people of their own blood and race. This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved.”
—fertile ground for theorizing, why Lincoln was assassinated
Shall the Democratic Platform be Honest or a Cheat ?
The prime question of the hour –far transcending that which concerns the choice of a candidate to be beaten by General Grant– is that which we have asked above. The man is to be put forth as the exponent of Democratic principles –but what are they ? How do they bear upon what all see and feel to be the issues of our great civil convulsion ? In other words — Is the enfranchisement of the Southern Blacks to be openly treated as a nullity, to be brushed aside by violence whenever the Sham Democracy shall have regained the control of the Federal Government ? — or is it to be more insidiously resisted till it can be subverted ?
General Francis P. Blair, jr., is one of the nineteen aspirants for the Presidential nomination, and, being a renegade Republican, has naturally more honesty and less trickery than a dyed-in-the-wool Tammany Democrat. General Blair’s friends –apparently with his approval– have put forth a manifesto embodying his views on the live questions of the day — which reads as follows:
“Blair, now as always, scouts the idea of giving the ballot to the negro. Negro Suffrage he regards as a cardinal issue of the canvass, and his inflexible opposition to the Radical doctrine of Negro Suffrage is the chief issue on which the Conservatives must triumph. He holds the Reconstruction acts establishing military despotism in the South to be unconstitutional, null, and void, and that the National Convention should so declare them; that the Reconstruction acts are mere usurpations, sustained only by lawless violence and the force of arms; that the Government must withdraw this coercion, correct its wrong, and leave to the White population to regulate the question of Suffrage; that the bastard and spurious governments set up at the South will fall as soon as the military is withdrawn.
“Furthermore, he asserts that it is the duty of the coming President to see that justice is done by restoring the governments which are created and properly constituted of the White population to those to whom they belong.
“General Blair says that the laws of Congress disfranchising persons who were embraced in the amnesty proclamations and special pardons, are illegal, arbitrary, and void, as are also the test-oaths for voters.
“General Blair is unwilling to accept or acquiesce in anything done by the Radical Congress on the subject of Reconstruction. He is for confining the government of the country exclusively to the White man, and is confident of an overwhelming defeat of Radicalism.”
–This, you see, is revolution, plain and simple –an appeal from the decision of the ballot-box to force and violence. There is not one syllable in the Federal Constitution that in any manner countenances the naked assumption that Whites have any rights under our Government which do not pertain to others –on the contrary, Blacks, if free, have always been accounted and regarded as, equally with Whites, a basis of political power. “Free persons” and “all other persons” are the only class distinctions known to the Constitution; and the assumption that Whites, merely because they are Whites, can rightfully deprive Blacks of the Elective Franchise, is more preposterous than any of the bases of the late Rebellion. General Blair’s platform is one of undisguised Revolution– it contemplates the inauguration of bloody strife by Rebels to reclutch the privileges which they are lawfully adjudged to have forfeited by treason and to disfanchise those whose loyalty has been rewarded with enfranchisement.
–Now see how The World begs the Old Boy to hide his cloven foot for the present and try to pass himself off for a City Missionary or Sunday School superintendent:
“It is expedient to pitch our demands in so low a key as to give Republicans an excuse for deserting their party: A party in power can safely do many things which a party out of power cannot attempt without ruin. * * * * We fear that many Democrats underrate the moral effect of a Democratic triumph. They make the mistake of supposing that nothing will be gained beyond what is bargained for in the platform. * * * * * Some of our zealous but uncalculating Democratic friends seem to think that the train ought to start at a speed of 50 miles an hour, when there is barely power enough in the engine to set it slowly in motion. The same expenditure of steam which scarcely suffices to move it at first will give it as high-speed when it is well under way. Or, to speak without a figure, a reactionary as well as a revolutionary movement gains strength in its progress. People will easily assent to things in its later stages against which they would have recoiled in the beginning. Those politicians can have given but a superficial attention either to the history or the philosophy of great political changes, who think that all should be demanded at the outset which it may be thought desirable to obtain in the end. If Milo of Crotona had begun by attempting to carry the bull, he never would have become so famous; but by beginning with the calf he succeeded.
“The great duty laid upon the Democratic party is to start a change of policy by carrying this Presidential election. In order to do it, we must induce some citizens to vote with us who have formerly acted with the Republican party. There is not the slightest danger that any portion of the Democratic party will fail to sustain the action of the Convention. Our success depends upon our ability to win over a few votes from the other side in five or six States; unless we can accomplish this, last year’s election returns show that we shall be defeated. ‘There’s nothing succeeds like success.’ If we can but carry this election, we shall thereafter have swarms of proselytes, and shall experience no difficulty in establishing any reasonable policy. Even the republican party will look at public questions through very different eyes after a great Democratic victory. It behooves us to have ‘gumption’ enough to take hold of things by the right end.”
–All this is very plain to those who know how to read. “Keep dark till we have won–then we will do what, if foreshadowed now, would drive off so many that we could not win at all.” This is exactly what The World means –not to have undone, but keep unknown.
We care not whether the open Rebels or the shuffling tricksters shall prevail in the framing of the new Democratic platform about to be promulgated from Tammany Hall –the upshot is the same, and the People shall know it. They mean to carry the Election, or claim to have carried it, somehow, and thereupon inaugurate a revolutionary movement to suppress the new State Governments of the South and replace them by creatures of violence and usurpation, based upon the Rebel axiom that “This is a White Man’s Government,” wherein Blacks have no rights but those of cattle. We dare them to say what they mean !